The working poor of Cairo have often been characterized as incapable of saving and planning for their futures. But, as Singerman found, estimates of the amounts of money in such informal associations site from 131 percent to 35 percent "of Egyptian gross domesticated savings" and, at either extreme, these estimates demonstrate "an impressive efficacy to save" coupled with a community-constructed public good designed to serve its own interests (16-17).
Ibrahim, Saad Eddin. "A Sociological Profile." The Middle eastside City: Ancient Traditions Confront a Modern World. Ed. Abdulaziz Y. Saqqaf. upstart York: Paragon, 1987. 209-26.
Goode, Judith Granich. "Poverty and Urban Analysis." Western Canadian Journal of Anthropology 3.2 (1972-73): 1-19. Rpp.
in Urban Place and Process: Readings in the Anthropology of Cities. Ed. Irwin Press and M. Estellie Smith. in the altogether York: Macmillan, 1980. 374-91.
As a result of these conflicts the earlier projects were also judged failures by the government because users insisted on reapportioning internal space and redesigning the uses of exterior spaces. In one case study conducted by Wilkinson and Kardash the authors found that a family was assigned a plan with no balcony , "unheard of in Egypt" and a spatial distribution that "was not in the decently proportion for the stage of the family['s] development" (307). The family was refused permission to make changes and adhered to the decision--but galore(postnominal) did not do so. The resulting unsafe habitations were meant to be avoided in the self-help plans true later. But the government judged both projects to be failures. The unregulated mental institution of various so-called 'rural' elements into the housing projects was deemed a case of self-created urban slums. Yet the government's plans did not try to accommodate the reality of life among low-income Cairenes. Rather than two children there may be cardinal and rather than women who merely tend to the housework and children, the women in the
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